Last week’s inauguration of President Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal, despite months of hair-raising suspense has renewed hope that democracy has capacity to replenish itself.

Four of Senegal’s neighbours – Niger, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Mali – have since opted for military rule due to abuse of democracy by operators. At various times in the past, other countries in the ECOWAS subregion have tasted military interventions and now appear to prefer democracy.

Senegal, incidentally has not tasted military rule since it was declared independent by France in 1960. Thus, the shambolic preparations for the 2024 presidential election and the unrest it stoked caused advocates of democracy around the world to develop goose pimples. It was feared that a mismanagement of the street protests and authority shenanigans could destabilise a country rated one of the most stable in the continent.

The background: For no known reason, except hubris, outgone President Macky Sall decided to foist on Senegal the type of sit-tight malaise that afflicts ageing hegemons in Cameroun, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Cote d’Ivoire and of recent Rwanda. He tested the waters for tenure elongation.

Since February 18, 2023, when the date for the election was announced, Sall had tried different means to manipulate processes and frustrate the opposition, including arrests, tampering with election timeline and misusing state institutions. But the young people didn’t let go. They protested endlessly.

Left for the government, that victory for Bassirou Faye was not meant to be. Indeed, the denouement becomes more like a fairy-tale happenstance, when the powers that be had exhausted all tricks and are unable to stop an outcome that is destined to be. It became a complicated process as the party in government was determined to disenfranchise others to enthrone Amadou Ba, the favorite.

In a maze of confusion, Sall announced a postponement of the election till December 15. More protests poured into the streets and pressure mounted from the Economic Community of West African States, the French authorities as well as the U.S. State Department, warning that the postponement must not stay because it threatened democracy.

Along the chain of machinations, face of the opposition and candidate of the African Patriots of Senegal for Work Ethics and Fraternity (PASTEF), Ousmane Sonko, was ruled out of contest by the country’s Constitutional Council, after a suspended court sentence over a charge of defamation.

Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who was General Secretary of PASTEF, a partner to Sonko had to be announced as replacement on January 28, via a video. Faye had also been incarcerated for being vocal against government.

PASTEF was formed in 2014 to attempt a contest with what could be described as political principalities. It’s message of more freedom for Senegal from colonial French was not something that was popular among the ruling class but excited the youths. With 55 per cent of the population being persons under 20, the charisma of Sonko was able to drive the message, such that the party made a fair showing in the presidential election of 2019, coming in third place.

It was clear then that the movement was unstoppable, even though PASTEF was ordered dissolved by government in July 2023. This was achieved by a singleness of purpose, not to surrender and not to quit even after victory had been won. This is now time for governance.

Now, President Faye has appointed his ‘boss’, Sonko, as Prime Minister. Experts in politics and foreign relations have hailed this partnership, but are concerned that the two friends do not run into trouble with each other amid the youthful pressures their followers will exert when it comes to managing state matters and attending to party needs.

The two are under 50 years old, with little or no experience in political office, apart from street rhetoric on Pan-Africanism. It is hoped that they are able to work in good harmony for the comfort of all Senegalese. All eyes are on them.

Across Africa, this victory has been well received, especially among the young population. Africa is said to be the youngest continent in the world with the largest population of young people. People aged 15 years and below account for 42 per cent as of 2023. The global average is 25 per cent. Around 55 per cent of Africa’s population is said to be between 15 to 64 years and over 70 per cent under age of 30. The positive implication is that if well organised and purposeful, young people could easily determine how much access they secure into governance through the ballot.

In Nigeria, this chance was exploited way back in 2014, when young people began to canvass electoral reforms to enhance their participation in government. The ‘Not Too Young To Run’ Act, which was signed by former president Buhari in 2018, reduced the age qualification for elective offices. That of president was reduced from 40 to 35; House of Representatives from 30 to 25 and state House of Assembly membership from 30 to 25.

When he signed the Not Too Young To Run law, Buhari teased the youths not to activate it until after 2019; they should allow him run once more. It was a joke but the import wasn’t lost on the perceptive audience. The older generation won’t let go unless the youths are truly determined and well organised.

In 2019 elections, fired by the new legislation, many youths came out for elective offices. The number was huge for states Assembly and National Assembly elections. The outcome was encouraging but not fantastic. It was in the presidential election a more daring but dissonant note was registered.

Notable young Nigerians of ages 40-60 prepared for that election. There were Omoyele Sowore of the African Alliance Congress (AAC); Fela Durotoye of the Alliance for New Nigeria (ANN); Tope Fasua of the Abundant Nigeria Renewal Party (ANRP); Kingsley Moghalu of the Young Progressives Party (YPP); Donald Duke of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Oby Ezekwesili, who was to run on the ticket of Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN).

Individually, these are great Nigerians with good knowledge of issues in governance and the economy. They are among the best in their professional fields. In terms of ability to trade their knowledge for votes, the outcome was dismal. The combined votes these six ‘youngish’ Nigerians in the 2019 presidential election was a little above 100,000. The winner, former President Buhari went home with 15,191,847 votes.

In the countdown to that election, expectations were very high, particularly with regard to these fresh candidates. Nigerians counted on their age advantage, and far more on their brilliance, which the traditional candidates didn’t claim to have. They limited their debates and articulation of the issues predominantly in the media and townhalls.

Physical engagement with voters was minimal because it is the big parties that have the resources to storm cities and parade huge crowd, rented and real. Buhari, who won the election never bothered with media debates apart from scripted television interviews.

Experience has shown that smaller parties don’t stand much chance, especially when around 70 of them are crowded on the ballot paper to cancel out themselves. There were talks about mergers among the younger candidates but nothing concrete happened. Where they could have combined efforts to focus on young voters, they went disjointedly into that election and recorded no serious impressions.

Older parties have perfected their game. They have ministers, governors and other public servants as well as corporate friends who donate heavily to sustain them. The governors are the major electoral assets. They occupy and dominate the field. Unless concerted efforts are put in place to counter their antics, older politicians and their parties are not going to willingly abandon the stage and state resources they parasite on.

If 2019 was a learning stage for younger elements, the 2023 presidential election was an opportunity that was ignored. Apart from Sowore and Moghalu, who didn’t give up the idea to remain on the ballot, it appeared others merely resolved to share themselves into camps and wait. Moghalu, unfortunately, was shoved aside by his new party, African Democratic Congress (ADC), while Sowore forged ahead with his AAC.

Of the lot, Sowore presents the organic picture of the African struggle, toughened by activism and built in resistance. A lot of Sowore’s style was on display in the Senegalese experience. The more the powers that be attempted to intimidate and incarcerate, the more resilient the youths became. It’s not PR gimmick to gain invitation for partnership.

In 2023, there was no deliberate rallying point for the youths. It was Peter Obi’s decision to run on the ticket of the Labour Party (LP) that ignited the conversation around doing away with older parties and their candidates. Obi spoke the language that excited young people – how to tame unemployment, cut cost of governance, produce locally and empower the people.

The fact that there were no godfathers to demand sharing of resources when government is formed also endeared LP to many young voters. Advancing the message of the possibility of a new Nigeria in the social media was the elixir. It flamed like wild fire and the result is there for all to see.

Nigeria is diverse, far more than Senegal. In 2023, ethnic and religious campaigns were fanned to dilute the severity of today’s disaster and urgency for a new Nigeria.

Many in Nigeria’s elite class and the media, who now shamelessly hail the crowning of President Faye of Senegal, easily forgot they had a similar opportunity in 2023, to reject the old order. They resorted to ethnic bigotry and gross hate. As we write, they haven’t repented but are oiling more divisive ways to repeat same affliction come 2027.

It might take a while for the likes of Nigeria’s Sowore, South Africa’s Julius Malema and the Ugandan politician and activist, Bobi Wine, to rally the type of transformation that took place in Senegal. Yet, the struggle must continue.